“You’re so pure,” is usually the response you get when you exhibit an ounce of optimism regarding Lebanon’s political, economic, and social situation. Through the numerous discussions I’ve had with Lebanese people about the future of the country, they have mainly vocalized a negative outlook and have especially repeated the phrase “there is no hope” about dissolving the confessional and sectarian nature of the government. This perception is apparently a common one and it’s not one that is necessarily pessimistic. The lack of sovereignty derived from relying on imports to provide even the most basic foods, the Iranian inspired militia stagnating the government and worsening economic disparity, the exacerbation of sectarian loyalty from those suffering the most from the currency hyperinflation. These are just a few reasons to be employed in the more cynical argument.
I have found that the “no hope” outlook is partially triggered by the perception that the majority of the Lebanese population is tongue tied to their ‘زعيم’ or ‘political party leader’. Which, might I add, is an assumption that we have no proof of due to immense voter apathy as signified by the 2018 parliamentary elections where 51% of the eligible population did not vote, as well as the skewed demographic statistics misrepresenting Lebanese public opinion. The immense voter apathy correlates with many different motives including the aforementioned “no hope” analysis, as well as, in my opinion, the feeling of malaise which Arabs have adopted by internalizing the western gaze.
As introduced by late Samir Kassir in 2004, ‘The Arab Malaise’ is a concept which speaks of the chronic sense of powerlessness by which Arabs have long assumed due to western framing of the Arab presence, cause, and ‘demeanor’. Examples of this can be the condescending news coverage regarding Arab affairs and the use of derogatory language when speaking about attempts at revolution or Arab uprisings hinting at backwardness to be a “genetic or cultural defect” as phrased by Kassir. It is no secret that the Lebanese population has come to normalize and even honor a lifestyle of humiliation, which in its own right, can be seen as an indication of backwardness and mere stupidity. However, it is important to appreciate that this is not an ‘innate Arab quality,’ but it is largely provoked through the internalization of western orientalism and assumptions about permanent Arab powerlessness.
The malaise has been severely exacerbated in today’s Lebanon as the people have shown immense numbness and silence towards the delayed government formation in the pit of the 3rd most severe economic crisis in world history as acclaimed by The World Bank. However, the political apathy and distance from politics among Lebanese people does not only owe to western propagations, but to the neoliberal, sectarian, and corrupt Lebanese political system which has groomed the existing malaise in order to sustain judicial immunity.
I want to preface by saying that Lebanon fell into embracing ‘neoliberalism’ due to government negligence and that the system is not really neoliberal. Neoliberalism defines itself as a form of utmost capitalism where the people embrace a free market with little to no government intervention. This is not exactly the case in Lebanon since the government is itself a privatized institution that capitalizes off of people’s taxes and businesses. Hospitals, schools, and public areas are also heavily politicized and corrupted to endorse those in power. Really, there is a disappearance of the private sector through the culture of ‘وصايت’ or political connections.
Nonetheless, the marriage between the government’s praise of politically charged privatization, its negligence and corruption is what has truly discouraged citizen engagement in politics. As this has shown an absence of competence and validity in the authority, allowing people to further internalize their perceived powerlessness. And in today’s situation, the hopelessness is specifically intensified by realizing the continuous governmental impunity, foreign interest and control, ‘rigid’ social sectarian constructs, and a theme of dependence on this paradigm for survival.
While all of these realizations are important, the more pivotal one is largely lacking and intentionally subdued. What needs to happen in order to halt the theme of surrender is firstly the realization that political apathy is a systemically stimulated epidemic, and that while feelings of hopelessness are valid, they are politically conditioned to help perpetuate citizen exploitation. Recognizing this is essential since it shows that our voices are valuable enough to be muted, explains that our hopelessness is not based on tangible deductions but on politically and socially ingrained propaganda, and it distinguishes the root cause to be the current political infrastructure. When people understand this sole fact that interprets political apathy to be a national epidemic, the efforts can be more isolated towards dismantling the system, just like any virus. Once we recognize that we as a society have been severely infected with an overpowering systemic malaise, we can finally head towards our healing by targeting the source.
This is why it is extremely important to vote in the next parliamentary elections and understand the heavy weight associated with the angry voices of the people. The votes of Lebanese citizens are the only device that can tap into the laws and constitution, and reshape the system from within. It is also precisely due to the consistent perceived powerlessness about shifting the system that sectarian-warlords are allowed to maintain their reign and strip this country from every sense of sovereignty, functionality, and livability.
As I’m currently writing this, the US dollar is being exchanged for 22,000 L.L and the country is simultaneously engulfed in a fuel, electricity, and medical crisis. While it is unrealistic to ask people to look at these facts and stay ‘optimistic’, our only solution is to actively remind ourselves that we are the only potential agent of change. We cannot assume continuous government failure without fulfilling our roles as citizens. Instead of looking at Lebanon the way it is today, we need to start looking at what it could be with the work we could ensue collectively. Where we know the value of our voices and even better understand the consequences to our silence. The movement for action starts with the realization that the voices in our heads are not totally ours, but are carefully cultivated by those in power. Only then can we work to break the stigma associated with political optimism and bring ourselves to act.
Edited by Bachar Bzeih